In Search Of The National Idea Of the Revival Of Russia. Part 1. "Philosophical Steamer"

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In Search Of The National Idea Of the Revival Of Russia. Part 1. "Philosophical Steamer"
In Search Of The National Idea Of the Revival Of Russia. Part 1. "Philosophical Steamer"

Video: In Search Of The National Idea Of the Revival Of Russia. Part 1. "Philosophical Steamer"

Video: In Search Of The National Idea Of the Revival Of Russia. Part 1.
Video: History of Russian philosophy. Lecture 1. The formation of philosophical culture in Russia (XI-XVII) 2024, April
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In search of the national idea of the revival of Russia. Part 1. "Philosophical steamer"

Through the prism of system-vector psychology, the erroneousness of the actions and assessments of many Russian ideologists becomes obvious, who, due to a number of private or social conditions, have lost their correct guidelines …

For more than 20 years, a wave of heated debates about controversial events in our history, the discussion of which was previously under strict taboo, has not subsided. We are talking about the red terror, camps, prisons, executions, victims of the regime, broken lives … Particular attention in the topic of repression is paid to the destruction of the Russian intelligentsia, their expulsion from their homeland, without which they could not breathe and create. Are there any objective reasons why the Soviet government had a vital need to throw the intelligentsia off the ship of revolutionary modernity into the open sea, leaving it to save itself? Lenin and Stalin - Leaders or Bloody Executioners? During all this time, no one really bothered to understand what were the grounds for the expulsion or destruction of Russian humanitarians.

The system-vector psychology of Yuri Burlan, through understanding the mental characteristics of a Russian person, makes it possible to understand the complex kaleidoscope of historical events systematically, that is, avoiding subjective assessments, without justifying or blaming entire generations of Soviet people or individual statesmen, as is customary to do by most historians and political scientists.

Through the prism of system-vector psychology, the erroneousness of the actions and assessments of many Russian ideologists becomes obvious, who, due to a number of private or social conditions, have lost their correct guidelines. Often, out of ignorance, they successfully worked in favor of the Western intelligence services, which used their names and popularity as their main ideological weapon in attempts to weaken and destroy the USSR.

It remains only to regret that intelligentsia, talented writers and philosophers who, being deeply immersed in their own sound egocentrism, buying into university departments and Nobel prizes, becoming puppets who were skillfully manipulated by Western olfactory bonzes, in vain devoted their lives to an imaginary ideological struggle for an imaginary Russia, which, in fact, they never knew and did not understand.

Throw from the ship of modernity …

So who should you dump? First of all, those who, being in a huge Russian boat, rocked it and drilled a hole in it by all means. Among them were the Russian creative and technical intelligentsia, writers and professors. Actually, the fellow travelers were not thrown off, but transferred to "philosophical ships" and expelled from the country.

The remaining unreliable, who refused to leave revolutionary Russia on their own, as well as some representatives of the creative intelligentsia - from those who did not find their application in a new life, but continued to distract the masses from the tasks of building a new society with their anti-revolutionary activities, and those whom Europe refused to accept, - sent to the Solovetsky special purpose labor camp (SLON), located on the territory of the Solovetsky Islands, which became the forerunner of the GULAG.

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Modern researchers argue that it was the "philosophical steamer" (in fact, there were several vehicles), on which its intellectual elite was deported from Red Russia, which had a significant influence on the intelligentsia, but was not loyal to the dictatorship of the proletariat, that served as "the beginning of the split Russian culture ". What culture are we talking about and who did it serve? A handful of literate people and the aristocratic elite? To those who were contained by all this, in the words of Ivan Bunin, "bestial crowd"?

In the newspaper Izvestia, Leon Trotsky explained: “Those elements that we are expelling or will expel are in themselves politically insignificant. But they are potential weapons in the hands of our potential enemies. If we talk about the preservation of the gains of the revolution and the very young Soviet state, which had just emerged, being created for the workers and peasants, and not for a narrow stratum - according to Lenin's definition, “rotten intelligentsia,” Trotsky was right. On a steamer that sailed from Petrograd in 1922, along with other 160 philosophers, historians and economists, Ivan Ilyin was exiled from Russia for anti-communist activities. Having settled in Germany (here the philosopher's half-German origin probably played a role), from 1923 to 1934 he worked as a professor at the Berlin Russian Scientific Institute,the content of which was carried out no less than the funds of the German Foreign Ministry (!). You need to be a very naive person to be touched by the generosity of the Germans, who recently fought against Russia in the First World War, and now turned out to be ready to shelter Russian emigrants and provide them with chairs in a specially created institute for them.

After Hitler came to power, the RNI was closed. Ilyin, dismissed from the institute, persecuted by the Gestapo for refusing to follow the program of the National Socialists in teaching, was forced to leave Germany and moved to Switzerland, where he later died in 1954.

In 2005, Ivan Ilyin's ashes were returned to their homeland. This costly undertaking was supposed to stir up the people's consciousness and outline the seeds of patriotic pride "for the Fatherland" in the hearts of young Russians. But are such actions capable of changing the collective mental of a people if they do not affect its interests and do not affect its consciousness? Modern youth and the majority of the population of Russia were, are and will be as far from the philosophical ideas of Ivan Alexandrovich as their great-grandfathers were from space flights.

Neither the transfer of the remains of the deceased, nor the attempt by famous people, including Nikita Mikhalkov, to popularize the works of the Russian philosopher, nor even the citing of some of his sayings in their public speeches by the first persons of the state were able to awaken mass interest in the works of Ivan Ilyin in today's society. And none of the historians and biographers is ready to explain this phenomenon. They shrug their shoulders and refer to the bored phrase from the Bible: "There is no prophet in his own country."

Was there a prophet?

Perhaps, the prophet was chosen incorrectly, that is why his contemporaries' prophecies do not “warm up” his prophecies, closing himself, as before, on a narrow layer of the creative intelligentsia, far from their people? Maybe the matter lies in the prophet and in the fatherland, as well as in the inaccuracies of the ideas themselves, which Ivan Alexandrovich tried to introduce all his life, being outside of Russia?

With all due respect to the legacy of Ilyin, his role in Russian philosophy, one cannot fail to notice that the ideas of Ivan Alexandrovich did not take root even in the minds of the most radical emigrants, who categorically denied the Soviets, to which the philosopher read his lectures on Russia and the hated Bolshevik regime.

The views of Ilyin, a staunch monarchist and nationalist, are based on remaining faithful to the pre-revolutionary foundations. In his view, Russian society should be built on the rank and hierarchy of estates. “We must revive in ourselves the ancient skill of having a king,” the philosopher wrote. His lack of understanding of everything that was happening in the country boiled down to criticism of the Soviet regime, instilling hatred of the Bolsheviks.

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After spending 5 years in revolutionary Russia before his expulsion, he consolidated the negative experience in his mind for the rest of his life, which later became evident in his writings. Sometimes it is impossible to read them without a smile, without asking the question: "If everything in the USSR was as described by Ivan Alexandrovich, then why did it not fall apart earlier, but survived and practically independently defeated fascism in the most difficult war?"

Affected by the isolation from the true historical events, which will remain hidden from Ilyin by the iron curtain, the information hunger, and the drawing of knowledge from the Western press and emigre newspapers.

While the philosopher Ilyin saw a world conspirator in the Comintern, an aggressor in the post-war USSR and openly called on the West to occupy Russia, he lost sight of the fact that it was not the Soviet Union that was striving for global domination, but the United States by imposing its destructive liberal ideology, which is especially clearly visible today, 60 years after the death of Ivan Alexandrovich.

Of course, Russia has come a long way since the collapse of the USSR. To a certain extent, Ilyin's prophecies came true. Only Ilyin in his works does not blame those who contributed to the tearing apart of a huge country. He blames all the same Bolsheviks who, in his opinion, emasculated their spirituality from the people. By spirituality, Ivan Aleksandrovich understands all the same religion, capable of controlling, restraining, educating. Marxist-Leninist ideology also educated. Under her influence, Soviet people gave their lives for the liberation of mankind, and not for a separate group of exiles.

The geopolitical changes brought about by revolutions and wars in the young Soviet Russia could not but affect the psychology of the people, who for the first time felt their collective psychic, who felt themselves to be “everything”.

What can we say about the generations who grew up in another, new country, about those who heard the name of the philosopher himself for the first time several years ago. How to explain the philosophical thoughts of Ilyin about the priority of Russians among the peoples of Russia, which today are clearly not actively used for the purpose of consolidating the state, to those whose fathers and grandfathers fought in the Civil War for universal happiness on earth, built Magnitka, created a superpower out of a backward patriarchal state without regard to nationality? How to explain to the descendants of General Karbyshev that his feat of confrontation was in vain, that the expansion of space by the urethral Yuri Gagarin, the first Soviet man who paved the way to the stars, is a bluff? How can you cross out everything that the country has lived with for 70 years and in which the continuity has not yet been lost, and begin the search for the Russian idea of revival where everything has long died?

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